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Mangyan Tribe Descriptive Essay

Mindoro, Philippines

Last month I made a long awaited trip to the island of Mindoro to visit some of the different Mangyan groups there. This trip took a few months to arrange and I was very excited our journey happened as I have been wanting to visit Mindoro for a long time. Although, we knew it would not be easy to get access to the different communities we wanted to visit, our contacts and non-stop effort explaining and promoting the Katutubong Filipino Project helped us significantly on this trip. There are 8 different Mangyan groups (Iraya, Alangan, Tadyawan, Tau-buid, Bangon, Buhid, Hanunoo and Ratagnon) on the island of Mindoro and all are distinctively different including their languages. Mangyan is just the collective term used for the indigenous peoples found on Mindoro.

Something unique to the indigenous Mangyan of Mindoro is how well organized their groups are. All eight groups have active tribal councils and they are very strict about what visitors can enter their communities. Each group also has formal bylaws with penalties for different crimes that are committed. To enter the different communities we had to get clearance from the tribal leaders, the tribal councils and the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples with formal letters and documentation about our project. It was all a little daunting and we never knew if we would be approved or not until we arrived. In the end we made some wonderful friends with the different mayors (tribal leaders) and they all seemed very excited about the work we are doing. We are very thankful for being approved by all the communities we visited and we are already excited about our return trip.

A Bangon Mangyan woman smoking kwako (tobacco). The Bangon are known for their pipes and even young children can be seen smoking pipes.

Portraits of a Mangyan woman and a Mangyan man transporting coconuts.

A Bangon woman in a field near the Bongabon River, Mindoro.

Our trip started in Puerto Galera, a popular get-a-way and vacation destination for those living in Manila and foreign visitors alike. I always feel a little awkward when we end up in places like this with western restaurants and resorts while working on this project. I have come to realize though that our time in places like this are generally short and are usually for a particular reason. On this trip, we came to Puerto Galera to meet with a contact who had lived with the Iraya Mangyan in the mountains outside of Puerto. This would be our starting point to meet more people and help set the tone for our whole trip.

We hiked 5 kilometers up the mountain to meet some of the Iraya people we were told about. We met some wonderful people who were able to help make arrangements for our trip south to the Hanunoo and Bangon tribes. We only stayed one night with this Iraya community, but it was a great starting point. Many of the Iraya in this area have been well educated and have jobs as teachers, police officers and government employees. In the small community we visited typical every day activities were normal with an elementary school in town as well.

A Iraya Mangyan man digging a fish pond near his home to raise tilapia for his family.

An Iraya Mangyan man mining for gold in a small river. Before we left the Iraya community we walked to a small river where we were told some of the Iraya’s often mine for gold. Rocks are used to divert water into wooden filters where small gold flakes will collect if there are any. There was only one man at the river when we went and he hadn’t had any success for the day.

An Iraya woman transporting firewood to her home.

We headed south for a day and a half to try and get permission to enter a Hanunoo community from the tribal mayor and council. After a short deliberation they said it would be ok to go into their community and stay for as long as we would like to. I wanted to visit a Hanunoo village because of their indigenous script that is still sometimes used. I wanted to find out more about it. In the meantime, I spent my days in their community learning a little about their culture and what they do on a day to day basis. We found out that most families spend a lot of their time collecting crops in their fields.

Shifting agriculture (kaingin) is a common practice by all of the Mangyan groups because it is the only way they can grow crops to eat without using fertilizers. Most families own large tracks of land which they clear and plant different crops throughout the year. Everyday, crops are harvested for daily consumption with the majority of the Mangyan diets consisting of root crops such as sweet potatoes, ube, and kamoting kahoy. Eating rice is often a luxury because it is not grown where they live. After a few years the cleared land is not fertile anymore and another area is cleared and crops are planted. This is the nature of tropical soil and a method the Mangyan have been using for a long time. Most families own multiple tracks of land that they rotate using.

Collecting crops is a daily activity for most all Mangyan families. Children help gather whatever vegetables or root crops are available for the day. Planting and harvesting crops consumes a large percentage of their time during the day.

Root crops such as sweet potatoes, ube and kamoting kahoy make up a large percent of the Mangyan diet. Here a mix of ube (the purple root) and sweet potatoes are hot off the fire and out of the pot. All their cooking is done over an open fire.

Shifting agriculture can be a touchy subject because of the environmental damage it can cause by clearing forests. After talking to a number of Mangyan they are aware of how the forests hold water into the ground (and keeps their rivers clean) and they restrict certain areas from being cleared. Forests near the river are not allowed to be cleared and any older growth forests are also not allowed to cleared. The Mangyan must have land to plant crops in order to survive. This is their main food source. However, many families are now growing larger tracks of produce that they harvest and sell to lowlanders as well. This larger scale farming on shifting agricultural lands is something that should be of concern for the forests and the Mangyan people. It is good to know though that many people there are aware of the effects of clearing all of the forest. On another related note; the Mangyan are very much against mining and any mining activities on their ancestral domain. They get a lot of offers from large and small mining companies, but they understand the long term effects of mining. Because they are well organized it is hard for companies to abuse or take advantage of their ancestral domain.

Shifting agriculture in the mountains of Mindoro. You can see in this photo how tracks of forest have been cleared to grow crops.

A mother and child walking to their kaingin field about an hour hike away from where they live.

When night falls, communities become very quite. There is no electricity available so dinner is often prepared by lantern or fire light and usually starts right after it turns dark. Most people are asleep by 8 or 9pm and awake early in the morning when the sun rises. In the mountains it can get really cold at night as well. Towards the end of our trip I came down with a flu because of the very hot days and cold nights. It’s amazing to me to see children either naked or with only a small t-shirt on all night long when two blankets and a jacket barely keep me warm. Many of the children also had small colds.

A Hanunoo house after the sun goes down. There is no electricity in the community making kerosene lamps essential to do anything after dark.

A family preparing dinner inside with light from kerosene lamps. The women are removing peas from beans collected in the field which will be used to make a tasty dinner.

Something I really wanted to see while with the Hanunoo was the Hanunoo script. The Hanunoo script is one of three indigenous scripts that is still being used today in the Philippines. The other two are the Buhid script (another Mangyan group) and the Tagbanua script in Palawan. Traditionally, the Hanunoo script was carved into fresh bamboo because paper was not readily available even 50 years ago. The script was occasionally used to communicate between communities, however, the main use of the script was to write love letters or love poetry called ambahan. Nais, one of the elders in the community we stayed with told us how they used to pass love letters to each other when they were younger. To send an ambahan or love letter to someone they would carve the script on bamboo and then place it on the corner of a path. When the other person passed by they would pick up the bamboo and read the message. She told us that everyone in the community knew what was going on, there were no secrets back then because these messages were left where everyone could read them. This was the way young men and women expressed their interest in each other and communicated.

Nais, a Hanunoo Mangyan woman writing Hanunoo script on a fresh piece of bamboo. Nais is one of only three people in her community that can still write the script.

A closer look at the script on fresh bamboo. Nais is using a small knife to carve the script on bamboo like men and women did for centuries before to pass love notes between each other.

Today, the younger generation is not learning the script although they still speak their native language. There were only three people in the community we stayed with who knew how to write the script, all well over 65 years old. The script has been well preserved, but those who know how to write it from memory may soon fade away. We were also told that there are likely thousands of ambahans that have been passed down from generation to generation. There are researchers who have spent countless time collecting these different ambahans to help preserve the poetry.

Our last night in the Hanunoo community was complete with a wonderful sunset. Here a Hanunoo woman moves her goats in a field near her home after arriving back from her kaingin field.

After leaving the Hanunoo community we spent a couple of days in the town of Roxas where St. Luke’s Medical Center and the Ramon Tulfo Good Samaritan Foundation was putting on a medical mission. The majority of the people who came to receive care were Mangyans who made the long trip down from the mountains. Because most of the leaders we needed to talk with were planning on coming to the medical mission we thought it would be a great place to meet. This was my first time to witness a medical mission and I was very impressed with how well it seemed to go. It was really well organized, with lots of help from volunteer nurses, surgeons, technicians and dentists who all came from Manila. The Mangyans and other community members seemed to all be very appreciative of the free medical care and the volunteers I talked with said they always look forward to doing this kind of work.

Many Mangyans made the long trip down from the mountains to attend a free medical mission put on by St. Luke’s Medical Center and the Ramon Tulfo Good Samaritan Foundation.

Minor surgery was one of the options offered at the medical mission. This is the only opportunity many of the area’s indigenous people have to receive certain kind of care and treatment. This man is having a cyst removed from his back.

Women line up to get x-rays at the medical mission. All of the treatments and care was done in the city’s gymnasium.

After the medical mission finished up, we headed to a Bangon community in the mountains along the Bongabon River. Getting there involved a rough motorcycle ride over rivers and very rocky terrain. There was one crossing where the motorcycle was half underwater in a fast flowing current and I had never been so nervous before seeing my camera gear tied to that bike. The drivers were very experienced though. After a couple of hours of rough motorcycle riding we had an hour hike to reach the community we would be staying at. After making arrangements with the mayor of the village the wonderful Mangyan hospitality started to shine. We were given a whole bamboo shelter to ourselves and the family who lived there transferred to another place so we could be accommodated. Cooked sweet potato’s and bananas were given to us and we felt like we had been there for a week already.

A Bangon Mangyan community near the edge of the Bongabon River, Mindoro.

A Bangon man taking a rest after hauling goods from the mountains into town.

Life in the Bangon villages are not much different from the Hanunoo villages we went to. Much of the day is spent around planting and harvesting crops from the kaingin fields. This area had a lot of bananas, however, so a good majority of the Bangon diet consisted of cooked bananas together with their root crops. Some families would produce charcoal along side the river edge which they would sell to lowlanders. Life is very simple from our point of view.

Mangyan children collecting charcoal on the side of the Bongabon river. Wood is covered with soil and rocks and set on fire for a certain period of time to produce charcoal. The temperature of the wood must not be too hot for the wood to produce the best charcoal. After the wood cools children help sift through the sand and soil to get every small piece of charcoal they can find.

A Mangyan man hauling charcoal into town to be sold.

We were asked to attend a community meeting in a nearby village the day after we arrived. This nearby village was a lot larger than the one we were staying in and the mayor thought it would be a good opportunity to let people know why we were there. Additionally, they had this village meeting scheduled to discuss an upcoming ritual they were planning (more on that later). It was nice to discuss with the community about the purpose of our stay with them and I feel like we were able to explain well what the Katutubong Filipino Project was trying to accomplish. There were a lot of questions about the project and it can sometimes be hard to explain how communities will directly benefit from the pictures we take. Because our project is to help promote awareness to non-indigenous peoples there really isn’t anything we can say about how their particular community will directly benefit from our work. It was great that they understood what we were trying to accomplish though.

Women gathered and talking to each other during a village meeting we attended.

A resting Bangon child during a village meeting.

Every Friday and Saturday many of the Bangon harvest their excess produce and transport it to the lowlands to be sold. Because a lot of the crops come from far up in the mountains, floating everything down the river is the best way to transport it. Large tire tubes are used to float bananas and other produce down the strong river to be sold in the larger Tagalog towns. Everything from ginger, bananas, coconuts, sweet potatoes, and ube come into town to be sold. It’s grueling work and everyone helps transport the goods into town, including children.

The unfortunate situation of most Bangon is they don’t get a fair price for their goods. The lowlanders give them an extremely low price, but they always sell their goods anyway because they don’t want to bring them back up the river. Many of the Bangon also occur small amounts of debt during the week from the lowlanders when they buy rice or other products from their stores in town. Because they have this debt they are obligated to sell their products at a low price to the owners. It’s a sad situation to know how little they get for all the work they do in planting, harvesting and transporting their crops. We discussed with the mayor that they need to get better organized and set fixed rates for all of the crops they sell. If all of the Bangon sold their crops at the same rate the lowlanders would still buy them, but the Bangon would be better off.

A Bangon man walking to the river early in the morning with a floating tube to transport his goods down river.

Floating produce down river like these bananas is done on large tire tubes twice a week to be sold in town.

A mother and her two children crossing a small river to reach the much larger river where produce is being transported. Many community members come out to help sell and transport goods on Fridays and Saturdays. Young children always go with their mothers and almost every women you see has a young baby with them.

Carabaos help move produce and other products to the river edge from the different Bangon communities.

In the Bangon culture if a married man wants to leave his wife for another woman he simply has pay his current wife a set amount of money. The man and woman will agree on a price, which isn’t generally too much, and then the man can leave. It seemed like a fairly common thing to do and I would say that most men in the community have had two or three wives in the past. There were a lot of step brothers and sisters in the village.

The last day of our stay we were invited to watch a special ritual performed by members of the community to help cast away a bad curse they had been in for a long time. This ritual is not performed very often and to be able to watch something like this was very special. Unfortunately, I was really sick at this point and all I wanted to do was lay down. The heat was getting to me and we had to make our way down the mountain in the afternoon to catch a boat back to Manila early the next morning. The ritual got started later than expected on this Saturday, so we were only able to watch the first part of it before we had to start to make our way back down. If I had been feeling better I may have tried to stay a few hours longer and travel back down in the dark. However, it was wonderful to witness this and partake in something that rarely happens. We were honored to be guests.

It was told to us that this community was under a curse that was leading to people getting sick and crops not growing good produce. An old shaman (who is now passed away) told his people that if they continue to settle into communities (sitios) and move away from their mountain homes they would have this curse put upon them. Today, many of the Bangon of this area live in small towns or sitios away from their isolated mountain homes. Because of the curse they were now under they wanted to perform this ritual to cast it away. The ritual consisted of three different colored pigs to which the curse would be transferred to. Here one of the leaders is holding up a metal ring which all the people would have to touch.

All members of the community and visitors had to touch the pig to transfer the curse to it. We were told the ritual would last for three days because all members of the community had to touch the ring and pig and not all were present on the first day. Here people start to move in to touch the pig. The pig was eventually killed and the meat was divided amongst the village.

The ambahan is a literary product and poetic expression of the Southern Mangyans of Mindoro, Philippines. Although there are about seven different ethnic groups living in Mindoro, collectively called the Mangyans, these groups are quite distinct from each other as to language, customs, and way of living. Only the ethnic group living in the south of Mindoro, roughly comprising the areas within the municipalities of Bulalacao (San Pedro), Mansalay, Oriental Mindoro and San Jose, Occidental Mindoro, claims the name Mangyan as the descriptive title of their tribe. To stress their point, they might add the epiteth: "Hanunuo" Mangyan, that is, a "truly, real, genuine" Manygan.

Together with their northern neighbors, the Buhids, they possess a pre-Spanish writing system, considered to be of Indic origin, with characters expressing the open syllables of the language. Two distinct syllabaries are still in practical use among the ethnic groups in Mindoro, viz. the northern Buhid on one hand and the southern Buhid with the Hanunuo-Mangyans on the other. The existence of a writing system among these tribes certainly accounts largely for the wealth of literature prevalent among them. One of the literary products, the one written down most frequently on bamboo-tubes or slats, is the ambahan.

For better understanding and appreciation of the ambahans presented here, a short outline on the character and use of the ambahan will be given here.

As a definition, it can be stated that the ambahan is:

  1. A rhythmic poetic expression with a meter of seven syllable lines and having rhythmic end-syllables.
  2. It is most often presented as a chant without a determined musical pitch or accompaniment by musical instruments.
  3. Its purpose is to express in an allegorical way, liberally using poetic language, certain situations or certain characteristics referred to by the one reciting the poem.

The meter of seven syllables in one line is the characteristic of the ambahan which most obviously distinguishes it from other kinds of Hanunuo-Mangyan poetry. However, there are exceptions to the rule. For instance, more than seven syllables may be found at the beginning of the ambahan, especially when it starts with the standard expression magkunkuno (speaks, says) because the one who "speaks" here may have a long name containing more than the usual seven syllables. Actually, these first lines should not be considered as part of the poem proper, but rather as an introduction to or an explanation of the circumstances which gave rise to the ambahan itself. Sometimes, there may be more than seven syllables because the employed word or words cannot be shortened and no other combination of words is available. On the other hand, a line may contain less than seven syllables in order to preserve the meaning of the line itself which might be disturbed if more syllables were added. However, the last exception rarely occurs.

In an effort to conform to the rule of having only seven syllables in each line, the composer tries to fit his words within the pre-determined quantity of syllables. This accounts for the many elisions and contactions of words that make the reading of the ambahan in the Hanunuo-Mangyan script so difficult and exasperating to the translator. Thus nirwasan comes from niruwasan; nilkasan from nilukasan; the mono-syllables gin from ginan; u from una. Conversely, the words may be extended, i.e. syllables may be added in order to have the required seven syllables. In most cases, the normal procedure involves the use of affixes and suffixes, both of which are extensively used in the Philippine languages. The most common one in the Hanunuo-Mangyan language is the suffix -an. Manok becomes manukan, balunos becomes balunusan, without a change in meaning. Within the word, "extensions" may also be found which might be old infixes, no longer common. So dayap becomes dalayap, layaw becomes lugayaw. Another way of lengthening a word is by repeating the word itself, not so much to make it superlative in meaning (e.g. in Tagalog: laking-laki), but rather to complete the seven syllable requirement.

While it is not my intention to be technical on this point, as a linguist's analysis of morphological phenomena would be, the foregoing illustrations demonstrate that the prescribed scheme of seven syllables in ambahan verse gives ample opportunity for lexical calisthenics, an exercise which may fascinate many students.

The rhyming end-syllables are an essential feature of the ambahan. The most common rhyming syllable is -an, being a regular suffix for verbs and substantives in the Hanunuo-Mangyan language. But other combinations with the vowel a are rather common too, such as in lines having the end-syllables: a, ak, ag, ang, as, aw, ay. Here the vowel a is combined with nearly all the consonants in the Philippine alphabet. In the same way, the vowels I (or e) and o (or u) can be found as the rhyming syllables, either alone or in combination, e.g.: I, id, ing, ip, it, and o, od, ok, on, ong, os, ot, oy.

The rhyming in the ambahan is consequent, i.e. once started with -an, all lines will end in -an. This appears to be in contrast to the rhyming scheme of a Tagalog poem, where at the end of a line a vowel rhyme may include any consonant in combination with this vowel. The ambahan is stricter in this respect, though it is interesting to note that here and there consonants, if belonging to the same phonetic class, may be included as the rhyming consonant in combination with the rhyming vowel. Hence, the word inwag rhymes with ma-ayad because both g and d belong to the phonetic class of voiced stops. The word humbak rhymes with dagat because both k and t belong to the phonetic class of voiceless stops. The word sundong, lumon and tayutom are the end-syllables of one ambahan because ng, n, and m belong to the phonetic class of voiced sonorants. Of course, it is not because the Hanunuo-Mangyan knows anything about phonetics that these instances occur, but it is a fact that the interchanges of these consonants are not considered violations of the unwritten rules of the ambahan, provided that the vowel remains the same.

The ambahan is a chanted verse, but it is changed plainly or almost recited. The rendering of the ambahan with musical pitch might differ from person to person. Some might intone the words like in common conversation; others might use it a monotone recitation; or still others might sing it with a distinct melody. But generally, it can be said that when an ambahan is "sung," there is only a slight musical pitch discernable, except maybe towards the end, when the last syllables are drawn out a bit to indicate that the chant is about to end. Furthermore, it is well worth noting that the ambahan, is "sung" without the accompaniment of musical instruments, as differentiated from another kind of Mangyan verse, the urukay, which is preferably chanted to the accompaniment of the homemade guitar.

One who has a knowledge of the language of the Hanunuo-Mangyans as it is used in their daily conversation, will be able to understand very little of the language that is used in the ambahan. The language used in the ambahan differs from the spoken language, though many a word used widely in the daily Hanunuo-Mangyan language is also used in the ambahan-vocabulary. It is quite possible to compile a long list of words (eventually a complete dictionary) that are used only in the ambahan verse, but, for the purpose of this book, only a few words need to be mentioned.

Conversational languageAmbahan languageEnglish

That the words of the ambahan vocabulary are found not only in the ambahan of the Hanunuo-Mangyans but also in the literary products of the neighboring Mangyan tribes, seems to be a significant coincidence worth investigating, especially if it is remembered that these other tribes use a conversational language different from the Hanunuo-Mangyan language. Some questions that would confront the investigator are the following: Where do these ambahan words come from? Are there other dialects in the Philippines from which they may have been derived? Or do we have to turn our attention to other countries like Indonesia or India to get an explanation? Here is a potential field of research that should give a linguist enough material to work on.

In some of the ambahans here presented, it will be noticed that the theme is about a bird, a flower, a tree, or an insect. Other ambahans, though not nature poems in the strict sense of the term, deal with the sun, the moon, the stars, the rain and the wind. When a Mangyan poet writes of a flower, he writes of itnot for the purpose of celebrating its beauty or fragrance but to make it an allegory or a symbol of human life, it's problems, and its challenges. Sometimes the symbolism of a bird or flower may be clear enough, as when a boy talks to his girl about "a beautiful flower that he would like to bring home." Very often, however, one symbol may refer to different conditions or circumstances and, thus, becomes a multiple symbol. An examination of ambahan no. 114 will help clarify this point. What does the poem mean? First, it means simply what it says: "Be careful, or you will be stung by a bee. Take precautions in getting honey." This would be the literal interpretation of the poem. The added meaning of allegorical interpretation would depend, of course, on the occasion and circumstances, such as climbing a mountain, going to sea, going to town, engaging in a contest with another person, or going to the parents to ask for the hand of their daughter. The complex set of meanings thus woven into an ambahan are gradually unravelled only after the poem had been analyzed with much care and patience.

A related study which is worth mentioning at this point would be an investigation into the psychological motivation for the Mangyan's frequent use of plants, animals, and nature symbols and their predilection for allegorical poetry.

[Postma, Antoon SVD. Treasure of a Minority. Manila: Arnoldus Press, Inc., 1981.]

Ambahans inscribed on a bamboo slat

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